Skip to content
man bot

How it works

How we worked this out

We didn't ask ChatGPT which jobs it thinks AI will replace.

We started with what people actually do all day. The International Labour Organization broke 427 jobs down into 3,265 everyday tasks and had each one rated for how much of it today's AI tools could do. Every score on this site comes straight from those ratings, with one sum you can check yourself.

Plain English first, then the sums, then everything it gets wrong. We're not shy about that last bit. If you only read one part, read what it can't tell you.

What we know, and what we don't The main score looks at AI tools only, not robots. Two more measures sit beside it for 419 of the 427 jobs: how hands-on the work is, and how fiddly and cramped that hands-on work gets. Together they show where a score might be too hopeful and where machines would struggle. They can't tell you what robots can already do.

Jobs are bundles of tasks

Almost no job is a single thing. It's thirty or forty tasks tied together by a job title, and the knot gets retied every few years. When people say a job is "at risk", what's usually happening is that some of those tasks are moving — to a machine, to a colleague, to the customer — and the rest are staying put.

That's why we look at tasks, not titles, and why we never show one number on its own. A job where a machine can help with almost everything but replace almost nothing is in a very different spot from one where it's the other way round, even if a single number would put them side by side.

Three more things we measure

Each of these is a real measurement, and each names its source on every bar. We never add them into one number, because nobody has published a fair way to combine them. We used to have a fourth, how far robots have reached into physical work. It was a guess, so we took it out rather than swap in another guess.

How much AI could help with AI helps
Usually good news: more of the work gets quicker without the job going away.
How much AI could do without you AI takes over
This is what most people mean by “exposed”. We keep it apart from helping on purpose.
How much the job needs hands, a body or being there Hands-on
Software can't do hands-on work, but robots might one day. How far they've got isn't on this site, because nobody measures it well enough yet.

Worked example: plumber

AI helps JSA 2025
59
AI takes over JSA 2025
15
Hands-on O*NET 31.0
72.1

AI could take on, on average (ILO) = 15.2

holds up = 100 − 15.2 = 84.8

That's the whole sum. An earlier version of this site blended four inputs, using weights I picked so that twenty jobs landed in an order that looked right. One source and one subtraction says less, but anyone can check it against the study, and that's the better trade every time.

The three measures above sit beside the score, not inside it. There's no published way to combine them, and making one up is exactly what we stopped doing.

The scale

Zero to a hundred, where higher means less of the job's tasks are open to AI. The groups below are the ILO's own, word for word, even though they talk about exposure where we talk about holding up. An earlier version made up five friendlier names; using the ILO's means you can look them up.

ILO
Not Exposed None of this job's tasks scored high enough to count.
ILO
Minimal Exposure A few tasks are affected, but the heart of the job isn't.
ILO
Exposed: Gradient 1 The mildest of the ILO’s four “exposed” groups.
ILO
Exposed: Gradient 2 A good share of the tasks are affected.
ILO
Exposed: Gradient 3 Most of the tasks are affected.
ILO
Exposed: Gradient 4 The ILO’s highest group: nearly every task is affected.

Where the data comes from

Every source: who publishes it, which version we use, how often it changes, what it covers, and its licence. If a source changes how it works, we stay on the version we have until we've looked at the change.

This is an adaptation of a copyrighted work of the International Labour Organization (ILO). This adaptation has not been prepared, reviewed or endorsed by the ILO. The ILO's licence asks us to say this, because we use its study.

ISCO-08

International Labour Organization

ISCO-08 CC BY 4.0

Used for  Master occupation list

Covers  Global

Updated  Stable

All twenty occupations on this site have had their four-digit unit group verified against the real ISCO-08 hierarchy, as carried in the ILO dataset. Two of them share one: product design and graphic design are both 2166.

Working Paper 140, Generative AI and Jobs

International Labour Organization

2025 index CC BY 4.0

Used for  Global AI exposure scores

Covers  427 four-digit ISCO-08 occupations

Updated  Irregular (2023, 2025)

Ingested and in use. 427 four-digit ISCO-08 unit groups and 3,265 scored tasks. The ILO licenses everything published from 3 May 2023 under CC BY 4.0, including datasets, with derivatives and commercial use permitted; the required adaptation disclaimer is shown below. The authors' companion repository carries no licence of its own, which is why the ILO terms are the ones relied on.

O*NET

US Department of Labor

31.0 CC BY 4.0

Used for  Measured physical and manual work intensity, and how constrained that work is, on every occupation the crosswalk reaches

Covers  Around 900 US occupations and 19,000 task statements

Updated  Quarterly, with the main update in Q3

CC BY 4.0, confirmed against the O*NET distribution terms. 31.0 carries 18,838 task statements and 305,389 work-context rows. Ingested: the mean importance of the four Physical and Manual Work Activities (4.A.3.a.1 to 4.A.3.a.4), rescaled from O*NET 1-5 to 0-100, for 911 O*NET-SOC occupations. Reaches 419 of the 427 ISCO units through the BLS crosswalk chain registered below. Also ingested, for 910 occupations and carried the same way: the perception and manipulation bottleneck of Frey and Osborne (2017, Table I) — Finger Dexterity and Manual Dexterity at their level ratings, Cramped Work Space at its frequency rating, each rescaled 0-100 from O*NET's published scale range and averaged with equal weight — and the level of Assisting and Caring for Others, one of their social-intelligence variables. The variables and scales are theirs; the equal weighting is this site's; their probabilities of computerisation are not used.

ABS ANZSCO to ISCO-08 correspondence

Australian Bureau of Statistics

ANZSCO 2022 Australian Update, correspondence Table 4 CC BY 4.0

Used for  Carrying the Australian augmentation/automation split onto the global classification

Covers  1,345 correspondence rows, reaching 414 of the 427 ISCO-08 unit groups

Updated  As published

Replaces the BLS SOC crosswalk originally registered, which maps ISCO-08 to the 2010 SOC while O*NET 31.0 is on the 2018 SOC — three hops, compounding error, and BLS refuses non-browser requests. This one is a single hop. Most relationships are marked partial by the ABS, and several ANZSCO units can land on one ISCO unit; those are averaged unweighted because the correspondence carries no employment weights. Every value derived through it is labelled derived, never measured, and carries its confidence.

BLS occupational crosswalk chain

US Bureau of Labor Statistics, with the O*NET Resource Center

ISCO-08 to 2010 SOC (Aug 2012, rev. Jun 2015); 2010 to 2018 SOC (Nov 2017); O*NET-SOC 2019 taxonomy Public domain (US government work); O*NET taxonomy CC BY 4.0

Used for  Carrying O*NET’s measured physical intensity from US SOC onto ISCO-08

Covers  1123 ISCO-to-SOC edges, 840 SOC 2010 codes, 867 SOC 2018 codes; 419 of 427 ISCO units reached

Updated  Republished only when a classification is revised

Three hops, and the site says so wherever the result appears. An earlier note here argued this chain was not worth building and that twenty hand-mapped occupations were more honest than 427 laundered ones. That was right about the risk and wrong about the remedy: the fix is to carry the uncertainty rather than drop the coverage. Each ISCO unit records how many O*NET occupations were pooled to reach it — median 2, worst 35 — and a tier from that. The mean is taken back up the chain so each ISCO-to-SOC edge counts once, rather than letting an SOC code with many O*NET specialisations outvote one with a single profile. 8 units map only onto SOC residual “all other” codes, which O*NET does not profile; they are left empty. The BLS files are served only to requests carrying full browser headers, and the ISCO file is a 2012-vintage OLE2 .xls, read by a purpose-written parser in scripts/ingest/lib/xls.mjs rather than by adding a dependency with open advisories.

ESCO v1.2

European Commission

v1.2 (via the ESCO API) CC BY 4.0

Used for  Occupation descriptions, the job titles people use, and 24 languages

Covers  All 427 ISCO-08 unit groups; 1,641 named occupations; 24 languages

Updated  Periodic major versions

Ingested and in use. The only source here that needs no crosswalk: ESCO is built ON ISCO-08, so every unit group is addressable by URI and all 427 resolved with none missing. Reusable for any purpose under Commission Decision 2011/833/EU; EU-owned content on europa.eu is CC BY 4.0. Taken through the public API rather than the bulk download, because that download is gated behind a form wanting an email address and yields no stable URL — so the ingest would not be reproducible by anyone else.

Our Gen AI Transition (Gen AI Capacity Study)

Jobs and Skills Australia

September 2025 detailed data release CC BY 4.0

Used for  Australian layer, and the augmentation versus automation model

Covers  357 ANZSCO v1.3 unit groups

Updated  One-off study

Ingested and in use. The only source in this register that separates AUGMENTATION from AUTOMATION, which is the distinction SCO-02 makes central and which WP140 cannot provide. Its own finding: 349 of 357 occupations are augmentation-led. CC BY 4.0 per JSA copyright terms; required attribution is "© Commonwealth of Australia". ANZSCO v1.3, so the twenty profiles carry hand-made codes and the 427 index is untouched.

Global Automation Atlas

Garg et al. (arXiv 2605.17086)

2026 release, replication package MIT (code only) + composite third-party terms pending Q-01

Used for  Candidate for the robotic-reach input. Assessed and rejected for that use.

Covers  18,797 tasks across 124 countries; occupation panel at ISCO level

Updated  Unknown

Checked and deliberately NOT ingested. It is the only source addressing the physical and robotic channel, and its transparency is better than most — published prompts, validation materials, a careful data-use notice. Three things kept it out. Its labels were produced by a large language model, which is systematic assessment rather than measurement, and putting them in the same visual language as the ILO expert survey would overstate them. Its occupation-level panel is released only as Parquet; the accessible CSVs are ISCO 2-digit country panels, roughly ten four-digit units per value. And its exposure figures exceed 1.0, so they are an index on a scale this site has not established, not a share. The MIT licence covers the authors code, not the third-party data underneath, which the notice says to check before commercial use.

Anthropic Economic Index

Anthropic

release 2026-06-26, period beginning 2026-05-01 CC-BY AI company

Used for  Optional real-world usage layer

Covers  542 O*NET-SOC occupations with a collaboration split

Updated  Periodic. The method changed between the March and June 2026 releases.

Ingested as OBSERVED CONTEXT ONLY and never as an input to any score. Published by Anthropic about usage of its own product (DAT-09). Three reasons it is kept out of the scoring: it measures Claude users rather than workers; its two figures are shares of one hundred while the JSA figures are independent potentials, so they are not comparable; and for physical occupations it inverts — electricians read 61% automation here against an assessed 16, because nobody wires a house with Claude, they bring it the paperwork. That inversion is the most useful thing in the dataset and the job pages show it as a warning.

Globally, More People Expect AI to Cause Job Loss Than Growth

Pew Research Center

Published 17 September 2026 Pew terms of use: excerpts with citation

Used for  What the public expects of AI and work. Context only, and never an input to any score.

Covers  42,151 people in 36 countries, surveyed 8 February to 13 May 2026, plus two separate US surveys of 5,119 and 3,488 adults

Updated  Periodic. Comparable questions were asked in 2024.

Quoted, never ingested. It is the only source in this register that measures what people believe rather than what an occupation contains, and it is kept out of the scoring for exactly that reason: a survey of expectations is evidence about expectations. It is registered because the gap it opens is worth naming. In 34 of the 37 countries Pew covers, people lean towards AI meaning fewer jobs; the one source here that separates augmentation from automation finds 349 of 357 Australian occupations augmentation-led. Both findings can hold at once, and neither settles the other, because they are answers to different questions. Pew permits excerpts with a citation and does not permit a report or a dataset being republished in full or substantially in full, so figures are quoted on the page that uses them, the survey microdata is not redistributed here, and the required citation is: "Globally, More People Expect AI to Cause Job Loss Than Growth." Pew Research Center, Washington, D.C. (17 September 2026).

Workforce in motion: Skills and pathways to future jobs in the United States

McKinsey Global Institute

Published 29 September 2026 McKinsey terms of use: quoted with attribution

Used for  Where US workers may need to move by 2035, and how hard the move is, as one consultancy models it. Context only, and never an input to any score.

Covers  US occupations from 2025 to 2035, modelled on US Bureau of Labor Statistics and Lightcast data

Updated  One-off report, in a long-running MGI series on automation and work

Quoted, never ingested. It is a model of one country, built by a consultancy that sells advice on exactly this kind of change, and its headline figure is a base case inside a wide range: about 11 million people changing occupation, somewhere between 6 and 16 million. It is registered because it answers a question this site's scores can't. The scores ask how much of a job today's AI could do; this asks where people go when demand for their job falls, and how hard the road there is. Its occupations are US ones. Where a post sets one beside an ISCO unit on this site, the match is made by hand, and the post says so.

Job Cut Announcement Report

Challenger, Gray & Christmas

September 2026 report, published 1 October 2026 Press release: quoted with attribution

Used for  How many US job cuts employers announce each month, and the reasons they give. Context only, and never an input to any score.

Covers  Job cuts announced by US-based employers

Updated  Monthly

Quoted, never ingested. It counts announcements, not people out of work, and it records the reason the employer gives. So when AI tops its list of reasons, that measures what companies say about their cuts. Some of those cuts would have happened anyway, and some cuts that AI did cause will have been put down to something else. It is widely quoted, which is why its numbers turn up in headlines, and why it is worth reading the whole table rather than one line of it.

Egocentric-10K and Egocentric-100K

Build AI

Dataset cards on Hugging Face, released 2025 Apache 2.0 AI company

Used for  How much first-person footage of factory work has been published for training robots. Context only, and never an input to any score.

Covers  Head-mounted video of factory workers: 10,000 hours from 2,138 workers, and about 100,000 hours from 14,228

Updated  One-off releases, each larger than the last

Quoted, never ingested. Only the sizes on the dataset cards are used: hours of footage and how many workers wore the cameras. No footage was downloaded, and none is shown. It is registered because it gives the scale of what is being collected, which is the question a post about filming workers' hands has to answer. Build AI's business is robot training data, so it has an interest in this footage being seen as valuable. The cards are gated behind a contact form; the figures quoted are the ones published on them and repeated in coverage of their release.

Employment Projections, 2024–34

US Bureau of Labor Statistics

2024–34 projections, released 2026; AI and IT summary published 16 July 2026 Public domain (US government work)

Used for  The official US forecast of which occupations grow and shrink. Quoted for comparison, never an input to any score.

Covers  Every US occupation; the 18 AI- and IT-related occupations named in the BLS summary are the ones used here

Updated  Annual, each covering the next ten years

Quoted, never ingested. A projection is a forecast of employment: it weighs demand, cost, trade, demography and what employers say they will do, over ten years. A score on this site is none of those things — it is what the ILO’s raters said about the tasks in a job today. The two are set side by side in one article precisely because they disagree, and the disagreement is the point.

Occupation Shortage Report, March 2026

Jobs and Skills Australia

March quarter 2026 (Survey of Employers who have Recently Advertised) CC BY 4.0

Used for  How many advertised vacancies Australian employers fill, by occupation group. Quoted for comparison, never an input to any score.

Covers  The eight ANZSCO major groups, nationally; the national fill rate was 68.2% in the March quarter 2026

Updated  Quarterly

Quoted, never ingested. The fill rate is the share of advertised vacancies that were filled. It measures how hard a job is to hire for this quarter, which depends on pay, training pipelines, location and much else; it says nothing about AI. In one article it is set beside Jobs and Skills Australia's own automation scores (jsa-genai), averaged unweighted across the unit groups in each major group, because the two line up across the eight groups (a correlation of 0.78) — a pattern, not a cause. Required attribution: © Commonwealth of Australia.

AI Economic Indicators: Canaries Dashboard

Stanford Digital Economy Lab and ADP Research

Release of 21 October 2026, data to September 2026 (vintage 16 October 2026); with the paper Canaries in the Coal Mine? Six Facts about the Recent Employment Effects of Artificial Intelligence (Brynjolfsson, Chandar and Chen, August 2026) No data licence stated; downloads published openly for tracking, used with attribution

Used for  Monthly US employment by age group and AI exposure, from payroll records. Quoted and redrawn for comparison, never an input to any score.

Covers  Millions of US workers in ADP's payroll sample, by six age groups and five quintiles of occupational AI exposure (GPT-4 ratings), indexed to November 2022

Updated  Monthly

Quoted, never ingested. One article redraws the published employment index for workers aged 22 to 25 and 35 to 40 in the least and most exposed quintiles, and the paper's Table 1 (panels A, C and F), which shows how much of the young-worker gap survives controls for education, interest-rate exposure and remote work. The authors call these early, descriptive indicators, not causal estimates, and note that the gap is sharper in ADP's sample than in national surveys.

Graduating into Disruption: Labor Market Outcomes for AI-Exposed College Majors

US Census Bureau, Center for Economic Studies (Orr, Tucker and Warren)

Working paper CES-WP-26-56, September 2026 Public domain (US government work)

Used for  First jobs and pay of US graduates by degree and its AI exposure, before and after ChatGPT. Quoted for comparison, never an input to any score.

Covers  Bachelor's graduates from institutions in the Post-Secondary Employment Outcomes data, about 29% of US bachelor's degrees awarded 2016 to 2024, linked to LEHD earnings records

Updated  One-off working paper

Quoted, never ingested. One article uses the headline estimates (initial employment down five points and initial earnings down 13% for the most exposed tenth of majors), Appendix Table A3 (each degree's 2024 coefficients against 2022, centred on the average degree) and Figure 5. The Figure 5 values are read back from the chart: each sector's change in share is its position, which is exact, and its 2022 share is the area of its circle, which is close. A working paper, not yet through the Bureau's full review.

AI plays a role in weak labor market for college graduates

Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas (Dodini and Smith)

Dallas Fed Economics, 22 September 2026 Quoted with attribution

Used for  First-year employment, earnings and graduate-school enrolment of Texas graduates by their degree's exposure to automation. Quoted for comparison, never an input to any score.

Covers  Graduates of Texas public four-year universities, May 2021 to May 2024 cohorts, from Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board and Texas Workforce Commission records

Updated  One-off article

Quoted, never ingested. Used for three findings: more exposed majors were more likely to go on to graduate school, mostly in the same field (two thirds of returning computer science graduates chose computer science); new master's holders in exposed fields saw similar relative pay declines; and enrolment in more exposed majors fell behind between autumn 2024 and autumn 2025.

The Early Impacts of AI on Employment Among Recent College Graduates

Robert W. Fairlie and Jane Wu (NBER working paper w35796), reported by UCLA Anderson Review

UCLA Anderson Review article of 7 October 2026 Quoted with attribution

Used for  Unemployment of recent US graduates by AI exposure, summer 2026. Quoted for comparison, never an input to any score.

Covers  US bachelor's graduates aged 22 to 25 no longer in school, summers 2022 to 2026

Updated  One-off working paper

Quoted, never ingested. Used for summer 2026 unemployment of recent graduates (7.3%, against 7.8% in 2024), the wider 'sidelined' rate (10.4%, the highest of five summers but not significantly so), and the finding that the gap between more and less AI-exposed occupations was small and not statistically significant.

What this can't tell you

The detailed job data is American
O*NET describes jobs in the US. This site is for people everywhere, so every task-level detail travels further than the data behind it. The ILO study covers the whole world, but the detail underneath is shaped by the US.
The only robot data we found was scored by an AI
The Global Automation Atlas is the one source that covers robots and physical work, but its 18,797 task scores were written by a large language model. That is an educated guess, not an observation, and showing it the same way as the ILO study would oversell it. So we list it and cite it, but we don’t use it, and robot reach stays blank rather than filled in with a guess.
The hands-on measure is matched across three lookup tables
O*NET's hands-on ratings are real measurements, but they use US job codes, and this site uses the international list. Getting from one to the other takes three official lookup tables, and at each step one job can match several. So we call the result an estimate, and every job shows how many US jobs were averaged to get its number: 2 for a typical job, 35 at worst. We once decided this wasn't worth doing. We were right about the risk and wrong about the answer: 419 numbers that each say how rough they are beat twenty that reach almost nobody.
The kinds of hands-on work are a sorting, not a measurement
We sort jobs with rules we wrote, in this order. Under 50 out of 100 for hands-on: not sorted further. At or above level 4 of 7 on O*NET's scale for helping and caring for others (its example for that level is "help a medical patient find in-home assistance or healthcare"): caring work. Everything else splits at the middle value for fiddly, cramped work among hands-on jobs, currently 39.4. Frey and Osborne chose those three measures, not us. We don't use their automation probabilities, and weighting the three equally is our call. A middle value only says "more or less than a typical hands-on job". We tried a round cut-off of 50 first, but averaging across the lookup tables squeezes everything towards the middle, and it left just 17 of 195 hands-on jobs. We also first tried "working close to people" as the sign of caring work, and it picked up bricklayers, roofers and chefs: working near people isn't caring for them. The measure we use instead counts helping workmates too, so roofers and extraction helpers still land in caring work on O*NET's own numbers. We've left them there and named the group in plain terms rather than a kinder one. The twenty profiles use the same rules on their own US job rather than their international group, so a profile can land somewhere different, and its page says so when it does.
Job groups can hide real differences
The international list seems to put product designers and garment designers in one group, which hides a real difference between the two jobs. Where a group is too broad, we use the more detailed US data and say so on the page.
A score is not a forecast
Nothing here predicts job losses, timing or pay. It describes what machines can do with a job’s tasks right now, according to the sources, as of the day they were published.
One source comes from an AI company
The Anthropic Economic Index looks at how people use one company’s own product. We show it for context only, never in a score, and label it wherever it appears.

What's changed

Every data update is listed here, with what changed and why.

  1. 0.8-observed-use 2026-09-22

    The Anthropic Economic Index panel, which showed only on the twenty written profiles, now shows on 306 of the 427 unit pages. A unit takes the US occupations the crosswalk already gives it and pools them, weighting each by its share of conversations; the page says how many were pooled. 169 of the 306 make up under 0.1% of conversations and carry the warning label. Separately, 31 unit codes were added to the starting points of the eighteen new roles, each one an occupation the role’s own path-in text already names, so 53 unit pages now show where the job could lead instead of 16. No score changed.

    The pages people land on most were the ones missing the only measure of what people actually do with AI, and the jobs most exposed to it had nowhere to point a reader. Pooling by usage share is what the split is made of; a plain average would let a US job with a handful of conversations count as much as one with thousands.

  2. 0.7-work-setting 2026-09-13

    Added a second O*NET measure beside the physical axis: Frey and Osborne’s perception and manipulation bottleneck (finger dexterity, manual dexterity, cramped work space), carried onto the same 419 ISCO units. Physical occupations are now sorted into kinds by stated rules: caring for people, fine handwork in tight spots, and less fine handwork. No physical figure changed.

    The physical axis could not tell a production line from a crawlspace, and to a robot that is most of the difference. A prototype robotic-reach score failed on exactly that, rating bank tellers and plumbers alike, and was not shipped. The bottleneck variables are borrowed from a published study so that the choice of what counts is not this site’s, and the kinds are labelled a sort rather than a measurement.

  3. 0.6-physical-axis 2026-09-13

    Carried O*NET’s measured physical and manual work intensity onto all 419 reachable ISCO units through the three-hop BLS crosswalk chain, and plotted it against the generative-AI score. The blind-spot flag is now a measurement rather than a guess from ISCO major groups.

    The old flag treated every occupation in ISCO majors 6 to 9 as physical and everything else as not, so it missed fire-fighters, police officers, ambulance workers and undertakers, and it lumped a bricklayer in with a shop assistant. A measured second axis shows the blind spot instead of asserting it — and it is kept as a separate axis, never combined into one score, because no defensible weighting between a language model and a robot arm exists.

  4. 0.5-genai-only 2026-09-13

    Renamed the measure from resilience to how well an occupation holds against generative AI, and flagged the 149 manual occupations where the omission of robotics makes the score read too high.

    Crop farm labourers scored 90.9 on eight tasks including picking fruit and weeding by hand. The index was right that a language model cannot do those; calling the result resilience turned a narrow true statement into a broad false one.

  5. 0.4-no-invented-numbers 2026-09-12

    Removed the invented robotic-reach input and the four-input formula that used it. Occupations are now scored the way the index is: one minus the mean task exposure from ILO WP140. ESCO ingested for descriptions, job titles and 24 languages. The Global Automation Atlas was assessed and deliberately not used.

    The last invented number was the one holding up an invented formula. Replacing it with language-model labels would have laundered assessment into measurement; removing it leaves the site with nothing fabricated on it.

  6. 0.3-three-sources 2026-09-12

    Three real sources ingested: ILO WP140 (exposure, all 427 ISCO units), O*NET 31.0 (physical work, 20 profiles), JSA Gen AI (augmentation and automation split, 20 profiles). All three CC BY 4.0, confirmed.

    The site was built around a data reveal with no data in it. Three of the four declared inputs are now measured; robotic reach is the only one still invented, and it is labelled as such on every page it appears.

  7. 0.1-placeholder 2026-09-11

    First build of the site with illustrative placeholder values across all ten occupations.

    To review the shape of the product before the scoring method (Phase 0) is settled. Nothing here is a real measurement.

What this site doesn't do

  • It doesn't scrape job ads, social media or anything you do here to make a score.
  • It doesn't collect anything personal. What it does count is listed on the privacy page.
  • It doesn't give career advice. It explains; it won't tell you what to do.
  • It doesn't predict when anything will happen.